Mutane nawa ne suka lura cewa, a yau – tun da aƙalla farkon abin da ake kira ‘annoba’, amma mai yiwuwa a baya – gwamnatoci, ko kuma a tsarin mulkin ƙasa, waɗanda suka mamaye matsayin ‘jahar,’ sun yi kamar ’yan ƙasa ba su da haƙƙi, kuma kamar a ce jihar ta wuce duk wani zargi a cikin abin da jami’an gwamnati ke yi, ko dokar?
Kamar dai gwamnatoci a yau sun ɗauki 17 na Thomas HobbesthFalsafar siyasa ta absolutist, wanda aka bayyana a cikin shahararren littafinsa, Leviathan (1651), don haka da gaske cewa sun yi watsi da madadin tunanin tunani wanda ya dage kan yarjejeniyar zamantakewa tsakanin mutane da masu mulki, inda biyu ya kamata bangarorin su bi ka'idojin kwangilar, ba kawai mutane ba.
Ya bambanta da Hobbes yana jayayya da goyon bayan cikakken ikon mallakar sarki, har ma da Immanuel Kant mai laushi, a cikin marigayi 18.th- rubutun karni, "Menene Fadakarwa?” ya yi nuni da yiyuwar cewa mutane ba za su ci gaba da yin biyayya ga sarki ba idan har ya kauce daga aikin da yake yi wa jama'a.
Hobbes ya ba da shawarar kwangilar zamantakewa inda mutane suka ba da haƙƙinsu ga mai mulki, kuma inda na ƙarshe ya kamata ya samar da zaman lafiya da tsaro, amma shine. ba dangane da kowane wajibai. Da ɗan gefe ɗaya, wanda zai iya lura.
Takaitaccen zane na tunanin Hobbes na cikakken mai mulki zai isa ya ba duk wanda ya kasance a faɗake cikin shekaru huɗu da suka gabata don gane hoton madubi da yake ƙara gani a cikin halayen gwamnatoci a duk duniya tun daga 2020. 'Haƙƙin' wanda Hobbes ya danganta ga mai mulki dole ne a fahimci yanayin falsafar, ba tare da yanayin yanayin 'yan adam ba. wayewa ya fi dacewa da tsohon, ko yanayi, wanda Hobbes ya rubuta (Leviathan, 1651, a cikin jama'a: 110):
A cikin irin wannan yanayin babu wani wuri don masana'antu, saboda 'ya'yan itacen ba su da tabbas: saboda haka babu al'adun duniya; babu kewayawa, ko amfani da kayayyakin da za a iya shigo da su ta teku; babu gini mai kayatarwa; babu kayan motsi da cire abubuwan da ke buƙatar ƙarfi da yawa; babu sanin fuskar duniya; babu lissafin lokaci; babu fasaha; babu haruffa; babu al'umma; kuma wanda shine mafi munin duka, tsoro na yau da kullun, da haɗarin mutuwa mai tsanani; da kuma rayuwar mutum, kadaici, matalauci, m, m, kuma gajere.
Wannan hakika uzuri ne mai gamsarwa don zama wayewa (ko da yake wasu masana falsafa, ciki har da John Locke da Jean-Jacques Rousseau, sun fi sanguine game da rayuwa a cikin yanayin yanayi), kuma Hobbes ya yi imanin cewa ba shi da tsada sosai don biyan abubuwan jan hankali don ba da duk haƙƙoƙin mutum ga jihar - ko kuma abin da ya kira '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' '' ' rayuwar wayewa. A cikin Babi na XVIII (shafi na 152-162) na Leviathan, ita kanta misali ga jihar, Hobbes ya ba da lissafin "haƙƙin mallaka ta hanyar cibiyoyi," wanda yanayin ƙarshe yana faruwa lokacin:
...taron mutane sun yarda, kuma sun yi alkawari, kowa da kowa, cewa ga kowane mutum, ko taron mutane, za a ba shi ta hanyar babban bangare 'yancin gabatar da mutumin su duka, wato, ya zama wakilinsu; kowa da kowa, da wanda ya zabe shi a matsayin wanda ya ki amincewa da shi, ya ba da izini ga duk wani aiki da hukunce-hukuncen wannan mutum, ko taron jama’a, kamar yadda ya kasance nasa ne, har zuwa karshe su zauna lafiya a tsakaninsu, kuma a kiyaye su daga sauran mutane.
Farashin da za a biya don tsaro, a wasu kalmomi, shine barin wannan 'yanci, ban da tsaro, ba shakka, wanda ya kasance a cikin yanayin yanayi. Ya kamata a lura cewa ya kamata jihar ta samar da tsaro da ake bukata don bunkasar wayewa. Ka lura kuma, cewa sarki bai kamata ya zama sarki ba; zai iya zama "taron maza," kamar yadda Hobbes ya sanya shi a sama. A cikin bayaninsa game da abubuwan da ke tattare da kwangilar - abin da Hobbes ya kira "alƙawari" - ya lura cewa wannan kwangilar, da zarar an gama shi, yana da wuyar gaske, wanda ke nufin cewa babu wanda zai iya janyewa da son rai daga cikinta, ko shiga kwangila tare da wani ɓangare (ba ma Allah ba, wanda yake wakiltar da ikon) wanda ake zaton ya maye gurbin ainihin alkawari.
Na biyu, a cewar Hobbes, saboda mutane sun ba wa sarki haƙƙin “ɗaukar da su duka,” kuma ba mataimakin vice versa, mai mulki ba zai iya karya kwangilar ba; mutane ne kawai ke iya. Bugu da ari, kamar yadda Hobbes ya ce: “…saboda haka babu wani daga cikin talakawansa, ta kowace irin hasashe, da za a ’yantu daga biyayyarsa.” Kyakkyawan hoto mai ban tsoro ga mutane, zan ce. Haka kuma, duk wanda ya nuna rashin amincewarsa a lokacin da akasarin ‘yan kasa suka ba wa ‘yan kasa ‘yancin yin mulki a kansu, to, yana da hukuncin mafi rinjaye; idan ya janye daga kwangilar ya koma yanayin yanayi, kamar dai, sun fallasa kansu ga halaka ta ‘adalci’ a ƙarƙashin dokar alkawari.
Bugu da ƙari kuma, idan aka ba da cewa batutuwa sun ba wa mai mulki ikon mulki, babu wani abin da na ƙarshe zai iya yi a matsayin rashin adalci: "...duk abin da ya aikata, ba zai iya cutar da wani daga cikin talakawansa ba, kuma bai kamata ya zama wanda aka zarge shi da zalunci ba." Haka kuma ba za a taɓa “kashe mai mulki bisa adalci ba,” ko kuma ta kowace hanya a hukunta talakawansa, in ji Hobbes. Domin mai mulki a matsayinsa na hukuma yana samun barata ta “ƙarshen” wanzar da “zaman lafiya da tsaro,” hanyoyin yin hakan sun fāɗi ga tunaninsu. Hakazalika, sarki yana da iko:
…saboda abin da ra’ayoyi da rukunan suke kyama, da abin da ke kawo zaman lafiya; saboda haka, a waɗanne lokuta, nisa, da kuma waɗanne mutane ne za a amince da su wajen yin magana da ɗimbin mutane; kuma wanda zai bincika koyaswar dukan littattafai kafin a buga su. Domin ayyukan mutane suna fitowa ne daga ra'ayoyinsu, kuma a cikin rijiyar gudanar da ra'ayoyin ta ƙunshi kula da ayyukan mutane don samun zaman lafiya da daidaito. Kuma ko da yake a cikin al'amarin koyarwar ba abin da za a yi la'akari da shi sai gaskiya, duk da haka wannan ba abin ƙyama ba ne ga daidaitawa ta hanyar zaman lafiya.
Shin wannan ba ya ƙara ƙararrawa da ƙarfi kuma a sarari game da halin yanzu da muke rayuwa a ciki? Kuma ana kiran ƙararrawar 'takalma,' wanda gwamnatoci ke ɗauka a matsayin haƙƙinsu - sun shaida Dokar Tsaro ta Kan layi wanda aka zartar a Burtaniya a ranar 19 ga Satumba 2023 a matsayin misali ɗaya kawai. Ba na buƙatar yin ƙarin bayani game da yunƙurin da aka yi a Amurka da Turai don ƙarfafa 'yancin magana; su legion ne. Amma an yi sa'a mutane suna fada da baya - Brownstone, Elon Musk, da sauransu.
Sarkin Hobbesian (sarki ko majalisa) yana da ikon tsara dokoki - ko "dokokin farar hula" - wanda ke ƙayyade abin da za a iya yi ko ba za a iya yi ba kuma a ji dadin ba tare da tsoron hana wasu 'yan ƙasa yin haka ba. Irin waɗannan dokoki na "daidaitacce" - "nagarta, mugunta, halal, da haram" - bambanta tsakanin yanayin yanayi da yakin har abada, a gefe guda, da Commonwealth, a daya bangaren, inda ake kiyaye zaman lafiya ta hanyar su, a tsakanin sauran abubuwa.
Wannan ƙa'idar, ita ma, ta dace da yanayin yanzu, inda a fili gwamnatoci ke ƙara ɗaukar shi a matsayin haƙƙinsu don tantance abin da ke "mai kyau, mugunta, halal, da haram" - hukuncin waɗanda suka ƙi 'vax' a matsayin 'anti-vaxxers,' waɗanda ke da alhakin zama 'masu kisan kai,' ko kuma wani sabon tunani game da cutar ta Joe. ƙwaƙwalwar ajiya.
Abin da ba ya nan a fili, duk da haka, ƙoƙari ne na 'sarauta' don tabbatar da zaman lafiya; a maimakon haka, abin da mutum ya shaida a maimakon haka shi ne ayyukan da gwamnatoci ke yi na haifar da yaki, ko dai ta hanyar samar da kudade masu yawa da rashin dorewar rikice-rikice, ko kuma yin sakaci da ka iya haifar da rikici, kamar barin iyakokin da ba a sarrafa su ba. Amma sai - mai mulki, ga Hobbes, ba shi da alhakin yin waɗannan abubuwa.
Har ila yau, ikon mallaka yana da hakkin "hukunci" (nadi na shari'a da yanke hukunci), don hana jayayya daga haifar da yakin tsaka-tsakin (kamar abin da ake tsammani ya samu a yanayi) ko'ina, da 'yancin yin yaki ko yin sulhu da wasu al'ummomi, dangane da abin da aka yanke hukunci don amfanin jama'a. Nadin ministoci, alkalai, masu ba da shawara, da jami'ai kuma ya dogara ne ga mai mulki, don inganta zaman lafiya da kare Commonwealth.
'Yancin bayar da lada da azabtarwa bisa ga dokokin da ke tafiyar da ayyukan 'yan kasa yana kara shiga cikin 'yancin 'yan kasa, da kuma hakkin ba da girma ga daidaikun mutane don inganta dabi'un da suka shafi mutunta juna wanda zai hana tashe-tashen hankula.
Tabbas gwamnatocin zamanin suna amfanar kansu da ‘yancin yin yaƙi, alhalin ba su damu da bin hanyar ayyana yaƙi da abokin gaba ba. A maimakon haka sai a mayar da shi a matsayin taimakon kudi da na soja ga wata kasa ta ketare da ke yaki a madadin mutum. Kuma ba a taba tadawa da mahawara kan batun ‘yancin jama’a ba, duk da adawar da aka samu daga bangarori da dama, wadanda ke nuni da cewa jama’a a kasarsu na fama da matsalar tattalin arziki saboda dimbin dimbin arzikin da ake bayarwa wajen kare kasar waje da ta ke daidai da – bare – ga galibin ‘yan kasar. Amma kuma, gwamnatocin da suka bayyana suna yin koyi da kansu a kan 'sarauta' a cewar Hobbes, ba dole ba ne su kasance da alhakin jama'a.
Idan muka yi la’akari da waɗannan “haƙƙin da ke tabbatar da ainihin ikon mallaka,” ba ya ɗaukar hankali sosai don kammala cewa muna rayuwa ne a lokacin da gwamnatocin duniya suka keɓe waɗannan, da gaske suna barin batutuwan siyasa ba tare da wani hakki ko mafita kamar abin da suka (yi imani da su) suka more a da ba.
Tabbas, an ƙirƙiro ra'ayin cewa har yanzu ana samun irin wannan matakin - alal misali ga bangaren shari'a - don yin amfani da mafi munin wuce gona da iri na jihar. Amma idan aka yi la’akari da (a halin yanzu) sanannen al'amari na kama gwamnati na ayyukan jihohi kamar na Babban Lauyan Gwamnati da na FBI a Amurka, dole ne a bayyana cewa gwamnatoci suna kan aiwatar da kwace matsayin 'sarauta' wanda - za la Hobbes - yana bin ɗan ƙasa, ba shi da haƙƙi, kome ba.
Yana nan, a zahiri, don wanzar da zaman lafiya da kare Commonwealth - kuma yana da tabbacin cewa, lokacin da aka kalubalanci wannan, gwamnatoci za su yi jayayya da gaske cewa wannan shine ainihin abin da suke haɓakawa. Amma yawancin 'mu' - waɗancan mutanen da suke a farke - sun san cewa yana da ƙima hakanan na (dis-) nau'in bayanai. Idan aka kwatanta da shi, ƴan ƙasa har yanzu suna da haƙƙin tsarin mulki de jure daraja, amma de a zahiri shine Niveau gwamnatoci ne ke kwace su, waɗanda suka ɗauki matsayin ƙwararrun ƴancin Hobbesian.
A nan yana da kyau a tunatar da kanmu ma'anar haƙƙin siyasa, wanda ya kai ba tare da komai ba iko mai iko, tare da – kamar yadda aka fayyace – ta babu na kowane hakki na adawa da irin wannan iko. Wannan shi ne sakamakon kwangilar mai gefe guda inda mutane suka yi watsi da abin da ake kira 'yancin dabi'a' (wanda aka samo a cikin yanayin da ake zaton 'tashin hankali' na yanayi) ta hanyar mika wadannan ga 'cikakkiyar' ikon mallaka. Ya bambanta da kwangilar zaman jama'a guda ɗaya na Hobbes, wanda John Locke ya gabatar a cikin 17.th karni - wanda ya yi tasiri sosai ga 'yan juyin juya halin Amurka - ya ba da takamaiman tanadi don tayar da hankali daga bangaren mutane, idan gwamnatoci sun yi amfani da ikonsu. Watakila ya kamata a kiyaye wannan da kyau, tare da hakkokin da ke cikin kundin tsarin mulkin kasa.
Idan muka kalli jerin 'yancin' masu mulki - ko dai sarki ko majalisar dokoki - a cewar Hobbes, ya bayyana a gare ni cewa, tun bayan bullar abin da ake kira 'cutar' a cikin 2020, an aiwatar da wani bita na (abin da ya kasance) 'yancin 'yan kasar Hobbesian. Farko, tsattsauran kawar da irin waɗannan haƙƙoƙin ƙarƙashin yanayin 'annoba' ya sami barata ta zahiri - wato, ta hanyar tsarin likitocin kamar Anthony Fauci - kuma kodayake irin wannan gaskatawar ba ta yiwuwa a halin yanzu (amma ana iya sake amfani da ita idan ta sami wata 'annoba'), waɗannan haƙƙoƙin suna ci gaba da fuskantar barazana.
Ba na buƙatar tunatar da kowa abin da waɗannan suke ba, amma abin da ya zo a hankali nan da nan shine 'yancin yin magana (wanda ya kasance, kuma har yanzu yana da yawa, an yi la'akari da shi), 'yancin yin taro (mutane masu lafiya sun kasance 'keɓe,' ba tare da haɗin kai ba) da 'yancin mutuncin jiki (an yi amfani da allurar rigakafi ta hanyar umarni), duk abin da aka keta 'cutar. Ya kamata a bayyana a fili cewa wannan farfaɗowar Hobbesian ba ta da kyau a nan gaba, kuma ya kamata a yi tsayayya da duk hanyar da mutum zai iya.
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Bert Olivier yana aiki a Sashen Falsafa, Jami'ar Jihar Kyauta. Bert yayi bincike a cikin Psychoanalysis, poststructuralism, falsafar muhalli da falsafar fasaha, adabi, cinema, gine-gine da Aesthetics. Ayyukansa na yanzu shine 'Fahimtar batun dangane da girman mulkin neoliberalism.'
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