Shekaru 1970 sun nuna muhimmin sauyi a tarihin dimokuradiyyar Yammacin Turai. Bayan da suka jagoranci al'ummarsu zuwa kisan kiyashi na yakin duniya na biyu a matsayin martani ga zalunci na Nazi, ƙwararrun Arewacin Amirka da al'ummomin Turai da ba na gurguzu ba sun fahimci - sama da duka, don dalilai masu ma'ana da ke da alaƙa da buƙatar sake gina kasuwanni da masana'antu - cewa yana cikin sha'awar su samar da 'yan ƙasa na al'ummominsu da 'yancin zamantakewa da dimokiradiyya, da damar da za a iya gani a tarihi.
Ƙoƙarin ya kasance, ga mafi yawancin, babban nasara. Kuma a ciki akwai matsala daidai: talakawan da suka girma a cikin shekaru talatin bayan yakin ba su fahimci cewa masu mulki da na gwamnati ba su da niyyar barin gwamnatocin dimokuradiyya masu kulawa na waɗannan shekarun su samo asali, a kan lokaci, zuwa cikin gaskiya na gaskiya na son rai.
Kasawar da talakawa suka yi na fahimtar iyakoki na hukumar siyasarsu ba sabuwar matsala ba ce. Abin da ya kasance sabo shi ne hani kan ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwaƙƙwaran da aka ƙera ta hanyar yakin Cold a wannan lokacin tarihi.
Ta yaya manyan masu fada aji za su yi ta tashe-tashen hankula kamar yadda suka saba yi, don murkushe matasa masu tayar da kayar baya a yankunan da suke karkashin ikonsu alhali irin wannan nau’in shi ne ainihin abin da suke suka kowace rana a farfagandarsu ta kyamar gurguzu?
Amsar wannan matsala ta fara bayyana a cikin 1970s Italiya tare da abin da ake kira 'Strategy of Tension'. Hanyar yana da sauƙi kamar yadda yake da diabolical kuma ya dogara da dalilai masu zuwa: ko ta yaya tsarin mulkin demokraɗiyya mai kulawa zai iya kasancewa mai banƙyama, cin hanci da rashawa, mutane za su nemi mafaka a cikin tsarinta (don haka ba wa waɗannan sifofi wani lokaci na karin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin haƙƙin jama'a) lokacin da aka fuskanci tashin hankali a cikin matakan tsoro na zamantakewa.
Ta yaya ake cika wannan?
Ta hanyar tsarawa da aiwatar da hukuncin kisa daga cikin gwamnati (ko ta hanyar masu zaman kansu da ke aiki tare da amincewar manyan ƙungiyoyin gwamnati) munanan hare-hare ga jama'a da kuma jingina su ga abokan gaba na mulkin dimokuradiyya mai kulawa.
Kuma lokacin da fargabar da ake sa ran ta auku (tsoron firgici, ba shakka, da yawa daga cikin abokan dimokuradiyyar da ake gudanarwa a cikin jaridu), gwamnati ta fito da kanta a matsayin mai kare rayukan al'umma.
Sauti mai laushi, kamar "ka'idar makirci" mai nisa? Ba haka ba ne.
Abin da na yi bayani yanzu - watakila mafi kyawun misalin harin ta'addancin da aka kai a tashar jirgin kasa ta Bologna a 1980 - yana da cikakkun bayanai.
Abin da ya sa mutane kaɗan ne suka san waɗannan laifukan da jihohi ke yi wa al'ummarsu. Shin batun danne gaskiya ne daga manyan kafafen yada labarai?
Ko rashin son ’yan ƙasa da kansu don yin kokawa da gaskiyar cewa masu mulkinsu za su iya yin irin waɗannan abubuwan? Ko watakila duka abubuwa biyu lokaci guda?
Da zarar an kawar da kalubalen 'dimokradiyya' na shekarun 1960 da 1970 - a wani bangare ta hanyar hanyoyin da aka ambata a sama, kuma a wani bangare ta hanyar dabarun dabarun 'yan gwagwarmaya da kansu - jiga-jigan tattalin arziki na Amurka da kananan abokanta a Turai sun yi rawar jiki kamar yadda ba a taba gani ba, suna karfafawa a cikin shekarun 80s na yammaci. wanda ba za a yi tsammani ba a cikin shekaru talatin na farko na zamanin bayan yakin.
Girman rarrabuwar kawuna tsakanin jiga-jigan tattalin arziki da ɗimbin al'ummar da ya haifar da waɗannan sauye-sauye ya ɓoye a cikin shekarun 1990, a tsakanin sauran abubuwa, ta hanyar juyin juya hali na yanar gizo (tare da kumfa mai dacewa da kumfa na hankali) da kuma sha'awar da ta taso daga rugujewar kwaminisanci da bayyanan haɗin gwiwa na Tarayyar Turai.
Amma idan akwai wani abu daya da manyan mutane - na kudi, malamai, ko soja - suke fahimta a koyaushe, shi ne cewa babu wani tsarin kula da akida da zai dawwama har abada. Kuma ko da ƙasa da haka a cikin shekaru na mabukaci, halin, kamar yadda Bauman tunatar da mu, da tilasta search for sabon nan gaba majiyai, a daya hannun, kuma m mantuwa, a daya hannun.
A cikin wannan sabon mahallin 'ruwa', wani lamari mai ban tsoro guda ɗaya-kamar kisan kiyashin Bologna da gwamnati ta amince da shi-yana da iyakanceccen tasirin gida fiye da da.
Me ya sa?
Domin, a cikin yanayin da mantuwa ya mamaye da kuma neman sabbin abubuwan jin daɗi na mabukata daban-daban, sakamakon 'ladabtarwa' na gigita ɗaya ga tsarin zamantakewa zai dawwama na ɗan lokaci kaɗan a cikin kwakwalwar ɗan ƙasa.
Kuma a cikin wannan mahallin ne, a ƙarshen 1990s, masu dabarun Amurka da bayinta na Turai, tare da haɗin kai a cikin mahallin hanyoyin sadarwar su na 'Atlanticist' masu kuɗaɗen kuɗi, suka fara daidaita dabarun su na "sarrafawa" zuwa sabon gaskiyar al'adu.
yaya?
Ta hanyar mayar da mantuwar mabukaci na wajibi, wanda tun da farko suka dauka a matsayin cikas ga tsarin sanya tarbiyyar zamantakewa, ya zama babban abokinsu.
Yanzu maimakon gudanar da ƙananan firgici na iyakanceccen tasiri na ɗan lokaci a kan ɗan ƙasa, za su ƙirƙira (ko ba da cikakkiyar yarda ga wasu a cikin amincewarsu don ƙirƙirar) manyan rikice-rikice na zamantakewa, abubuwan da ke haifar da ɓarna waɗanda ke haifar da mutuwa ta hanyar ingantaccen sarari aikace-aikacen ƙarami.
Lalle ne, sun so su aiwatar da abin da ba gaskiya ba ne kuma cikakken dystopian lokacin da Guy Debord ya bayyana shi a cikin 1967: wani abin rufe fuska da makamashi wanda ya kasance mai dorewa dangane da yawan sararin zamantakewar da yake ciki, yayin da yake canza launin filastik, na gani da na magana akai-akai. zahirin zahirin abin duniya na rayuwarsu ta yau da kullun.
Lokacin da, a cikin shekaru goma na ƙarshe na karni na 20, magana ta fara a cikin sojan Atlantika da kuma da'irar leƙen asiri na 'cikakken rinjaye', yawancin masu lura sun fahimce shi ta fuskar ƙarfin soja na gargajiya. Wato ikon Amurka da NATO na lalata abokan gaba a zahiri cikin yanayi iri-iri.
Duk da haka, bayan lokaci, ya bayyana a fili cewa mafi girman ci gaba da aka samu a karkashin wannan koyarwar shine a fagen sarrafa bayanai da kuma "sarrafa fahimta".
Ba na da'awar fahimtar duk gaskiyar aiki da ke tattare da harin da aka kai kan Hasumiyar Twin a shekara ta 2001. Abin da na tabbata shi ne, kallon da aka shirya don mayar da martani ga waɗannan ayyuka na lalata ba ta daɗe ba ne ko kuma an ƙirƙira ta.
Mafi bayyanan hujjar ita ce makonni shida kacal bayan hare-haren, Majalisar Dokokin Amurka ta zartar da Dokar Patriot, wani doka mai shafuka 342 wanda ba komai ba ne face cikar duk wasu tsare-tsare kan haƙƙoƙin ɗan adam wanda mafi munin abubuwan da ke cikin zurfin Amurka ke mafarkin aiwatar da shi shekaru da yawa.
Mai lura da yanayin bayanan ƙasar a hankali zai sami ƙarin alamu da yawa na wani abin mamaki matakin daidaitawa a cikin hanyoyin watsa labarai na hare-haren 2001, yanayin ɗabi'un da za mu yi kyau mu sake fahimtar kanmu yayin da muke ƙoƙari da fahimtar lamarin COVID.
A ƙasan wasu fitattun siffofi na kallon wasan da aka yi a matsayin martani ga hare-haren da aka kai a New York kusan shekaru ashirin da suka gabata.
1. Yawan maimaitawa da farko a kafafen yada labarai cewa harin wani lamari ne da ba a taba ganin irinsa ba a tarihin kasar, kuma mai yiyuwa ne a duniya.
Mu masu nazarin tarihi mun san cewa akwai abubuwa da yawa da ba za a iya kwatanta su da wasu a baya ba, haka ma, wannan dabi’a ce ta yin kwatankwacin dabi’u wanda ke baiwa tarihi babbar kimar zamantakewa.
Idan ba tare da wannan ikon kwatantawa ba, za mu sami kanmu a cikin tarko a cikin motsin rai da radadin halin yanzu, ba tare da ikon sake dawo da abin da ke faruwa da mu ba, wanda, ba shakka, yana da mahimmanci idan muna son mu magance matsalolin rayuwa tare da hikima da daidaito.
A wani ɓangare kuma, wa zai amfana ta wajen samun ’yan ƙasa da suke rayuwa a cikin kunci mara lokaci, sun tabbata cewa babu wani a tarihi da ya sha wahala ta hanyoyin da suke sha a halin yanzu? Ina jin amsar a bayyane take.
2. Maimaita akai-akai a cikin kafofin watsa labarai, daga farkon lokacin da aka kai harin, cewa wannan rana zata 'canza komai'.
Ta yaya za mu sani a farkon lokacin da cewa wannan al'amari ko wani abu cewa rayuwarmu za a canza asali da kuma inexorably? Baya ga kasancewa mai sarkakiya da cike da al'ajabi, rayuwa kuma ita ce mu da hadin gwiwarmu don siffanta ta. Kuma ko shakka babu ba mu taba samun cikakken iko kan makomar rayuwarmu ta gamayya ba, haka nan ba mu taba zama ‘yan kallo ba wajen ci gabanta.
Wato, sai dai kuma har sai mun yanke shawarar barin wannan alhakin. A cikin wa zai iya jawo mana jin rashin amfani da / ko rashin hukuma game da gaba? Wanene zai amfana ta wajen gamsar da mu cewa ba za mu iya dawwama ko kuma mu dawo da abubuwan da aka daɗe ana so a rayuwarmu ba? Don wane ne muka yi watsi da ra'ayin cewa za mu iya zama wani abu fiye da 'yan kallo kawai a cikin wasan kwaikwayo a gabanmu? Ina zargin wani ne ba yawancin mu ba.
3. TINA ko 'Babu madadin'.
Lokacin da aka kai wa wata kasa hari, musamman ma kasa mai arzikin gaske mai dimbin yawa a harkokin kasuwancin duniya da cibiyoyi na duniya, tana da kayan aiki da yawa a hannunta, don haka, hanyoyi da yawa don amsa taron.
Misali, idan har ana so, da Amurka ta yi amfani da abubuwan da suka faru a ranar 11 ga watan Satumba cikin sauki wajen nuna yadda za a iya samun adalci ta hanyar hadin gwiwa tsakanin jami'an shari'a da 'yan sanda daga kasashen duniya, matsayin da ke da kwararrun masu fada aji a cikin kasar da kuma kasashen waje.
Sai dai babu daya daga cikinsu da ya fito a kan allo na masu kallon kasar. A'a, tun da farko, kafofin watsa labaru sun yi magana ba tare da ɓata lokaci ba, ba game da ɗabi'a da fa'ida ko rashin lahani na harin soja ba, amma game da cikakkun bayanai game da aikinsa na gabatowa.
Wato kusan daga lokacin da hasumiyai suka fado, masu sharhi sun yi magana game da wani gagarumin hari da sojoji suka kai wa 'wani', tare da irin yanayin da mutum ke amfani da shi wajen ganin rana ta fito da safe. An gaya mana akai-akai, manya da ƙanana, cewa babu wani madadin wannan shirin na aiki.
4. Ƙirƙirar ƙungiyar masu sharhi ta talabijin waɗanda, tare da ɗan bambance-bambancen salo, alaƙar siyasa da shawarwari na siyasa, biyan kuɗi ga duk ainihin zato da aka ambata a sama.
A haƙiƙa, idan aka yi nazari mai zurfi kan waɗannan masana, za mu ga a zahiri matakan ban tsoro na ƙirƙira ƙungiyoyi a cikinsu. Kamar yadda Thomas Friedman, daya daga cikin fitattun ‘yan kungiyar nan na ‘kwararru’ ya fada a wani lokaci mara tsaro a wata tattaunawa da dan jaridar Isra’ila Ari Shavit a 2003:
Zan iya ba ku sunayen mutane 25 (dukkan su a halin yanzu suna cikin radius biyar na wannan ofishin) wadanda da kun yi gudun hijira zuwa tsibirin hamada shekara daya da rabi da suka wuce, da yakin Iraki bai faru ba."
‘Yan kungiyar ne kawai, ko kuma masu magana da yawunsu, wadanda ke da ‘yancin bayyana ‘hakikanin’ rikicin da ya faru bayan 9 ga watan Satumba ga ‘yan kasar.
5. Don ƙirƙirar, tare da cikakkiyar jin daɗin manyan kafofin watsa labaru, tsarin azabtar da jama'a ga waɗanda suka saba wa ka'idodin ƙaramin rukunin masanan neocon da aka ambata a sama.
Misali, lokacin da Susan Sontag, wata kila fitacciyar mace Ba’amurke ’yar kwararriya a rabin na biyu na karni na ashirin, ta rubuta wata kasida da kakkausar murya tana sukar yadda gwamnatin Amurka ta dauki matakin tashin hankali da rashin daidaito a fili game da hare-haren, ta sha tsawatawa da kunya a duk fadin kafafen yada labarai.
Bayan ɗan lokaci kaɗan, Phil Donahue, wanda shirinsa na gabatar da jawabai ya yaba da mafi yawan masu sauraro na MSNBC a lokacin, an kori shi saboda ya gayyaci mutane da yawa masu ra'ayin adawa da yaƙi zuwa shirinsa. Wannan magana ta ƙarshe ba hasashe ba ce. An bayyana hakan ne a cikin wata takarda ta cikin gida da aka fallasa ga manema labarai jim kadan bayan ya rasa aikinsa.
6. Ci gaba da canzawa mara kyau da rashin hankali na wani da ake zaton "gaskiya" mai mahimmanci ga wani.
Abin da a hukumance wani hari da gungun Saudiyya suka kai ya zama hujjar mamaye Afghanistan, sannan Iraki. Matukar ma'ana, daidai? Babu shakka a'a.
Amma kuma a bayyane yake cewa hukumomi sun fahimci (a zahiri, abin da ake kira kwakwalwar Bush, Karl Rove, ya yi alfahari da baya game da ikonsa na ƙirƙira abubuwan gaskiya kuma 'yan jaridu sun ƙarfafa su) cewa a ƙarƙashin tasirin "ci gaba da wasan kwaikwayo", tare da rawa na yau da kullun na hotuna da aka tsara don haifar da amnesia da rashin ƙarfi na tunani, aikin da ake buƙata don bin ƙa'idodi na asali shine aikin da ya dace da ma'amala ta biyu.
7. Ƙirƙirar da maimaita ƙaddamar da abin da Levi-Straus ya kira 'mai iyo' ko "marasa komai" masu nuna alama - kalmomin da ke da ban sha'awa da aka gabatar ba tare da mahallin mahallin da ake bukata don mu ba da su tare da kowane barga da ƙima mai mahimmanci - an tsara don yadawa da kuma ci gaba da tsoro a cikin al'umma.
Misalai na yau da kullun na wannan sune ambaton WMDs akai-akai da gargaɗin ta'addanci a cikin nau'ikan ma'aunin zafi da sanyio masu launuka daban-daban tare da 'zazzabi' na haɗarin da Tsaron Gida ya haifar da farawa - menene daidaituwa - daidai a daidai lokacin da asalin girgiza tunanin mutum na harin 9-11 ya fara dusashewa.
An kai hari a ina? Ta wa? Barazana bisa ga wane tushe? Ba a taba gaya mana karara ba.
Kuma wannan shi ne ainihin batun: don a tsoratar da mu sosai, don haka a shirye muke mu yarda da duk wani matakan tsaro da 'iyayenmu masu kariya' suka sanya a cikin gwamnati.
Shin za a iya samun dangantaka tsakanin saitin dabarun farfaganda da na zayyana da abin kallo a halin yanzu dangane da al'amarin COVID-19?
Ba zan iya tabbata ba. Amma a cikin sha'awar ƙarfafa ƙarin zurfin bincike kan batun, zan gabatar da 'yan tambayoyi.
Shin COVID-19 da gaske barazana ce da ba a taɓa samun irinta ba idan muka yi la'akari, alal misali, adadin waɗanda suka mutu na mura ta Asiya ta 1957 ko kuma mura ta Hong Kong na 1967-68?
Za mu iya cewa da gaske, idan aka yi la’akari da matakan mace-mace a kasashe da dama na duniya a ‘yan watannin nan, cewa, kamar yadda ake fada akai-akai tun farkon rikicin, cewa COVID 19 kwayar cuta ce wadda jikin dan’adam ba shi da masaniyar kariyar da ta ke fuskanta, kuma kafin hakan, ingantaccen maganin rigakafin garken garken ba shi da inganci?
Me yasa komai zai canza da wannan annoba? Annoba ta kasance abokiyar zaman dan Adam a tsawon tarihinsu a Duniya. Idan annoba ta 1918, 1957 da 1967-68 ba su 'canza kome' ba, me ya sa ya zama yanayin a wannan lokacin? Shin zai iya kasancewa kawai cewa akwai manyan cibiyoyin iko waɗanda, saboda nasu, na iya son "komai ya canza" a wannan lokacin?
Shin kuna tsammanin kwatsam ne kawai cewa, a cikin duniyar da kamfanonin harhada magunguna ke motsa kuɗi masu banƙyama, kuma inda WHO da GAVI suka dogara kusan gaba ɗaya don kuɗi akan kuɗin mutumin da ya damu da ƙirƙirar shirye-shiryen rigakafin jama'a, kafofin watsa labarai na kamfanoni sun “manta” a hankali game da ikon ɗan adam na shekaru dubu don ƙirƙirar kariya daga sabbin ƙwayoyin cuta? Kuma cewa kusan dukkanin tattaunawar jama'a game da mafita sun juya - a cikin salon TINA (Babu Madadin) na gaskiya - kawai a kusa da haɓakar rigakafin?
Shin kuna tunanin cewa kafofin watsa labarun ku sun ba ku damar jin ra'ayoyin masana iri-iri kan yadda za ku iya magance cutar?
Akwai 'yan masana kimiyya da yawa masu daraja a duniya a duniya waɗanda, tun daga farko sun bayyana a sarari cewa ba su yarda da ra'ayin cewa COVID yana wakiltar 'barazanar da ba a taɓa gani ba' ga 'yan adam ba wai wannan ƙwayar cuta ba, sabanin yawancin sauran a tarihin duniya, ba za a iya kayar da garkuwar garken ba.
Shin kuna mamaki cewa babu ɗaya daga cikin waɗannan mutane da ake nema akai-akai don fitowa a manyan kafofin watsa labarai? Shin kun bincika yuwuwar hanyoyin haɗin kai zuwa, da yuwuwar dogaro na kuɗi, WHO, GAVI da sauran ƙungiyoyin rigakafin rigakafi daga cikin waɗanda galibi ke fitowa a kafafen watsa labarai?
Shin kuna tsammanin kwatsam ne kawai cewa Sweden, wacce ba ta kai ga babban matsin lamba don dakile 'yancin 'yan kasarta kan COVID, kuma wacce ke da yawan mace-mace a kasa da Italiya, Spain, Faransa, Burtaniya da Belgium, shin ita ce ci gaba da sukar zargi daga manyan kafafen yada labarai, fara daga The New York Times?
Shin kuna ganin ba abin mamaki ba ne cewa shugaban ƙoƙarce-ƙoƙarce na COVID-19 a ƙasar, Anders Tegnell, ya kasance batun tambayoyi mai tsanani a cikin hulɗarsa da 'yan jarida? Yayin bala'o'in bala'o'in bala'o'i, da masu ruguza haƙƙoƙi na asali kamar Fernando Simón (babban mashawarcin Spain kan cutar), da sauran masu ƙona wuta irin wannan (misali, Gwamna Cuomo na Jihar New York) koyaushe ana bi da su tare da mutuntawa ta wurin malamai iri ɗaya?
Shin ya zama kamar al'ada a gare ku cewa, a cikin wani gagarumin juyi na tarihin kyawawan dabi'u na tarihi, 'yan jarida sun yi tambaya ga wadanda suka fi son kiyaye tsarin zamantakewa da kuma yanayin rayuwa yayin da suke zana wadanda suka fi neman kawo cikas?
Shin ba kamar baƙon abu bane a gare ku cewa ainihin dalilin yanke hukunci a cikin ainihin haƙƙoƙin ƴan ƙasa - rage yanayin kamuwa da cuta don kar a cika tsarin kiwon lafiya - ya ɓace ba zato ba tsammani kuma ba tare da wata alama daga maganganun jama'a kawai don maye gurbinsu ba, yayin da adadin mutuwa ke raguwa a hankali, tare da sha'awar aikin jarida game da adadin 'sabbin lamuran'?
Shin da alama babu wanda ya tuna yanzu ko yayi magana game da gaskiyar cewa masana da yawa, gami da Fauci da WHO kafin 12 ga Yuni, sun yi magana game da mahimmancin rashin amfani na saka abin rufe fuska dangane da kwayar cuta kamar wannan?
Shin kuna da mamaki cewa kusan babu wanda ya yi magana game da rahoton da wakilin BBC Deb Cohen ya bayar wanda ya ce WHO ta sauya shawara kan abin rufe fuska a watan Yuni sakamakon matsin lamba na siyasa?
Ko kuma cewa babu wani a cikin kafofin watsa labarai na Amurka da zai yi magana game da yadda Sweden da Netherlands, ƙasashe biyu da suka shahara da keɓaɓɓen tsarin kula da lafiya, sun fito fili kuma cikin shakka game da sanya abin rufe fuska a bainar jama'a?
Shin kun yi la'akari da yuwuwar kalmar 'harka' na iya kasancewa alama ce mai iyo ko wofi, ta ma'anar cewa kafofin watsa labarai ba safai ba, idan har abada, suna ba mu bayanan mahallin da muke buƙatar juya shi zuwa ma'ana mai ma'ana na ainihin haɗarin da muke fuskanta tare da ƙwayar cuta?
Idan kun yarda da jigo, wanda kamar yadda muka fada a baya babban abin muhawara ne, cewa COVID-19 ba kamar kowace cuta ba ce a tarihin ɗan adam don haka kawai hanyar da za mu iya kawar da ita ita ce ta hanyar rigakafi, to haɓaka cikin “lauka” a sarari labari ne mara kyau.
Amma menene idan, kamar yadda ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun kafofin watsa labarai ke tunani, tunanin rigakafin garken garken ya dace daidai da yanayin COVID-19?
A cikin wannan mahallin, karuwar lamura, tare da raguwar adadin mace-mace a lokaci guda (gaskiyar, a mafi yawan kasashen duniya a yau), a hakika, labari ne mai kyau.
Shin ba ku da mamaki cewa ba a ma maganar wannan yiwuwar a kafafen yada labarai ba?
Bayan haka, akwai gaskiyar cewa ɗimbin waɗanda suka kamu da COVID-19 ba sa cikin wani haɗari na mutuwa ko kaɗan.
Wannan ba ra'ayi na bane kawai. Ra'ayin Chris Whitty ne, Babban Jami'in Lafiya na Ingila, Babban Mashawarcin Likitoci ga Gwamnatin Burtaniya, Babban Mashawarcin Kimiyya a Sashen Lafiya da Kula da Jama'a (Birtaniya) da Shugaban Cibiyar Nazarin Lafiya ta Kasa (Birtaniya) wanda, a ranar 11 ga Mayu, ya ce game da kwayar cutar:
Mafi yawan mutane ba za su mutu daga gare ta ba…. Yawancin mutane, eh da kyau, adadi mai yawa na mutane, ba za su sami wannan kwayar cutar kwata-kwata a kowane lokaci a cikin annobar da za ta ci gaba na dogon lokaci.
Daga cikin masu yin hakan, wasu daga cikinsu za su kamu da kwayar cutar ba tare da sun san ta ba, za su sami kwayar cutar da ba ta da alamun cutar kwata-kwata, hawan asymptomatic. Daga cikin wadanda ke samun alamun cutar, mafi yawan, mai yiwuwa kashi 80 cikin XNUMX, za su sami ciwo mai laushi ko matsakaici. Yana iya zama mummunan isa gare su su kwanta na ƴan kwanaki, bai isa su je wurin likita ba.
’Yan tsiraru marasa kyau za su je asibiti. Yawancinsu za su buƙaci oxygen kawai sannan su bar asibiti. Kuma a sa'an nan kaɗan daga cikin waɗanda za su je ga mai tsanani da kuma m kulawa. Kuma wasu daga cikinsu, abin baƙin ciki, za su mutu. Amma wannan ƴan tsiraru ne, kashi ɗaya cikin ɗari, ko wataƙila ma ƙasa da kashi ɗaya gabaɗaya.
Kuma ko da a cikin mafi girman rukunin haɗari, wannan yana da ƙasa da kashi 20 cikin ɗari, watau yawancin mutane, har ma da mafi girman ƙungiyoyi, idan sun kamu da cutar ba za ta mutu ba. Kuma ina son in bayyana wannan batu a fili.
Abin baƙin cikin shine, akwai mutane da yawa, ciki har da wasu da suke ganin kansu a matsayin ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙwararrun ƙungiyoyi waɗanda ke tunanin cewa, abin da shugabannin Amirka suka yi bayan harin 9 ga Satumba, wani mataki ne na kai tsaye da ma'ana game da ayyukan da 'yan ta'adda suka aikata wadanda ba su da wani abin yi da aka dade da kafa manufofin kasar.
Hakazalika, akwai mutane da yawa, ciki har da ’yan siyasa na gida da na jihohi, masu son rai, waɗanda a yau suke tunanin cewa abin da ake yi don mayar da martani game da lamarin COVID-19 ya samo asali ne da tsantsar sha’awar ceto ƙasar daga wata cuta mai barazana ga rayuwa.
Idan aka lura da wannan rukuni na ƙarshe, kawai mutum zai iya cewa a cikin al'adun duniya waɗanda galibin waɗannan mutane suke bi, akwai sha'awar addini da ke da ƙarfi kamar yadda ake tsammani a cikin al'adun farko na baya.
An sake bugawa tare da izinin marubuci daga Off-Guardian
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Thomas Harrington, Babban Masanin Kimiyya na Brownstone da Brownstone Fellow, Farfesa Emeritus na Nazarin Hispanic a Kwalejin Trinity a Hartford, CT, inda ya koyar da shekaru 24. Bincikensa yana kan ƙungiyoyin Iberian na asalin ƙasa da al'adun Catalan na zamani. Ana buga kasidunsa a Words in The Pursuit of Light.
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