Lokacin da mutum ya tsara abubuwan da ke faruwa a duniya - waɗanda za a iya tsara su ta hanyoyi da yawa - bisa ga tambayar, ko raguwar sannu a hankali dalĩli a cikin lokaci, musamman tun bayan ƙarshen yakin duniya na biyu, na iya yin haske game da rikicin da ake ciki yanzu, amsar na iya ba wasu mamaki.
Ka yi la'akari da sauƙi a bayyane wanda 'hukumomi' (yadda kalmar ke sauti yanzu) na iya murƙushe yawan jama'a a duk duniya (ban da Sweden da Florida) zuwa tsauraran matakan Covid, kuma dole ne mutum yayi mamakin abin da ya sa mutane su karɓi 'ikonsu,' lokacin da halayen da suka nema ya kasance a fili cikin rikici da haƙƙin tsarin mulki.
Tabbas, tsoro ya kasance babban al'amari a fuskar 'virus' da aka yi ta yayatawa a matsayin sammacin mutuwa, idan mutum ya kamu da cutar. Kuma akwai kuskuren 'amincewa' a cikin (marasa amana) gwamnatoci da hukumomin lafiya. Amma karanta littafin daya daga cikin manyan masu tunani a Turai – Ad Verbrugge na Netherlands - Na tabbata cewa abin da ya gano ya bayyana da yawa game da gaskiyar cewa yawancin mutane sun kasance masu turawa ga masu fascists na abin da ake kira New World Order.
Sunan littafin, wanda aka fassara zuwa Turanci, shine Rikicin Hukuma (De Gezagscrisis; Boom Publishers, Amsterdam, 2023), abin da Verbrugge ya gano a matakai daban-daban, kuma ta hanyar tambayoyi guda huɗu, yana tuna cewa yana da damuwa, da farko, tare da Netherlands, kodayake fahimtarsa game da wannan rikicin ya sanya ƙasarsa a cikin yanayin ƙasa mai faɗi.
The farko daga cikin waɗannan sun shafi 'halaccin iko,' tambayar da fahimtar rikicin hukuma ya nuna. Wannan yana baiwa masanin falsafar Holland damar bambancewa tsakanin nau'ikan iko daban-daban, kowannensu yana buƙatar takamaiman nau'in doka. A zahiri, Verbrugge yana kwatanta iko na takamaiman nau'i a matsayin ' halal (d) iko,' kuma yana jaddada cewa yana ƙaddamar da yarjejeniyar son rai na mutum (babban) ga (ko 'iznin') amfani da iko.
Lokacin da wannan ya faru, yawanci kuma yakan kasance waɗanda suka yarda da halaccin wata hukuma suna raba dabi'u iri ɗaya da waɗanda aka ba su izini. A bayyane yake, wannan ya shafi dimokuradiyya a wani mataki na ci gaban tarihin su, amma ba dole ba ne ya kasance haka, ya danganta da irin sauye-sauyen al'adu, zamantakewa, da fasaha da ke faruwa a hanya.
Dangane da bayanan da aka nuna na 'da'a mai kyau' da ke komawa Aristotle, Verbrugge ya jaddada cewa ko da a cikin dimokuradiyyar yau, sha'awar 'dabi'un' halayen mutum na siyasa da shugabanni na iya raguwa, jama'a masu jefa ƙuri'a har yanzu suna buƙatar nunin kyawawan halaye kamar 'nasarar siyasa na musamman, gogewa, hikimar aiki da hangen nesa na 63. halaltacciyar hukuma. Misalin wannan ya ambaci marigayi Nelson Mandela na Afirka ta Kudu. Ana jarabtar mutum ya auna waɗanda ake kira 'shugabannin' siyasa na yau ta waɗannan sharuɗɗan: Shin Joe Biden yana nuna ɗayan waɗannan kyawawan halaye, misali? Ko ya cancanci sunan 'shugaba'?
The biyu Tambayar da Verbrugge ya yi ya shiga cikin dalilai na tarihi da al'adu na rikice-rikice na yanzu, komawa zuwa al'adun 'juyin' na shekaru sittin, tare da 'yanci' 'yanci na daidaikun mutane a lokacin 'yin soyayya, ba yakin' zamanin hippies, Bob Dylan, da kuma kisan gillar da aka yi wa Shugaba John F. Kennedy. Ya kuma bibiyi ma'anar 'yancin kai gaba ɗaya (a zahiri, gabaɗayan adawa) ma'anar 'yancin kai, ta fuskar tattalin arziki, a lokacin 'juyin juya hali' na gaba, da ma'anar neoliberalism a cikin shekaru tamanin. Wannan na ƙarshe ya ba da tushe ga abin da ya zama 'al'umman hanyar sadarwa' na yanzu, wanda tun daga lokacin ya haifar da halayen da ba su da kyau: waɗanda har yanzu suna fuskantar ta a matsayin 'yanci, da ƙungiyar girma da ke ganin ta a matsayin barazana - rarrabuwar kawuna da ke taimakawa wajen ɓoye tushen iko. Ƙari akan wannan a ƙasa.
Abu na uku, An gabatar da tambayar, abin da ke faruwa a zahiri ga bil'adama - da farko mutanen Holland, amma har ma a duniya. Verbrugge ya kwatanta 'postmodern' koyaswarsa hidima na yau dangane da yanayin zamantakewa da al'adu a cikinsa, inda al'adun masu amfani na 'kwarewa' wanda kafofin watsa labaru ke taka rawar gani a cikinsa, ya rushe ra'ayin 'yan kasa da dangantaka na hukuma, kuma ya ta'azzara polarisation. Ya kuma nuna cewa tsarin dunkulewar duniya ya kawo mabambantan karfi da kuma hada karfi da karfe, tare da hadin gwiwarsu na siyasa, wanda ke kunshe da lamarin 'Brexit'.
The hudu tambaya ta shafi hukunce-hukuncen gwamnatoci - ta yaya hakan ke bayyana? Verbrugge ya ja hankalin mutum kan abubuwan da suka haifar da wannan al'amari, wadanda suka samo asali daga sauye-sauyen tsarin da aka samu a shekarun 1980, kuma suka haifar da rashin kulawa da ka'idojin adalci da kuma amfanin jama'a, wadanda a kodayaushe suna da tushe ga halaccin jihar.
Verbrugge yana mai da hankali kan muhimman abubuwan da suka faru da yawa waɗanda ke nuna alamun 'tuɓe' al'adu da siyasa waɗanda ke faruwa a cikin 1960s da 70s, irin su kisan Martin Luther King da Robert Kennedy, waɗanda dukansu - kamar ɗan'uwan Robert da aka kashe, John - ya haɓaka hangen nesa na kyakkyawar makomar sulhu kafin a rufe su, ba a rufe su ba (ba a kusa da waɗanda suke nan gaba ba). Ya gano wani yanayi na musamman na 'duhu' a cikin shahararrun al'adun zamanin (wanda ya ci gaba har zuwa yau) a cikin kiɗan Doors da Jim Morrison – yi la’akari da waƙarsu ta “Ƙarshen” – kuma sun zana layi tsakanin wannan da fim ɗin Francis Ford Coppola na ƙarshen 1960s, Apocalypse Yanzu, wanda ya tsaya a matsayin tuhuma na hauka na yakin Vietnam (shafi na 77).
An sami nasarar al'adun hippie masu zaman lafiya da zanga-zangar shekarun 1960, Verbrugge ya tunatar da daya, ta hanyar 'karfin akida' na shekarun 1970, lokacin da zanga-zangar adawa da shigar sojojin Amurka a Vietnam ta karu a duniya, kuma ta zama tashin hankali. Mahimmanci, wannan kuma yana nuna lokacin da sukar ikon da 'rikitattun masana'antu na soja' suka fito, da kuma lokacin da ayyukan 'yan ta'adda, a Turai, na Red Army, da kuma kungiyar Baader-Meinhof suka kasance a matsayin ainihin magana na girma tambaya da kin amincewa da kafa ikon (shafi na 84).
Duk waɗannan rikice-rikicen al'adu da na siyasa sun zama kamar sun kasance 'ba a daidaita su' ta hanyar komawa zuwa 'kasuwanci kamar yadda aka saba' na 1980s, lokacin da aka sake farfado da nau'in' manajan ', hannu da hannu tare da sake nazarin yanayin tattalin arziki a matsayin 'tsaka-tsaki' game da sauran yanayin ayyukan ɗan adam kamar na zamantakewa da al'adu' da aka sanar da yanayin wanzuwa. duhun shekaru goma da suka gabata.
Abin sha'awa shine, Verbrugge - wanda shi kansa jarumi ne a lokacin ƙananansa - ya gane a cikin kundin David Bowie na 1983 - Mu rawa - bayyanar wannan canji zeitgeist. Mafi ƙarancin abin lura shi ne ganin cewa a cikin 1980s manufofin zamantakewa da ɗabi'a na shekaru ashirin da suka gabata an maye gurbinsu da 'burin sana'a, buri mara iyaka da rashin mutunci, salon yunwar kuɗi' (fassara na Dutch; shafi na 93).
'Ƙungiyar hanyar sadarwa,' wacce ta bayyana ta musamman a cikin 1990s, a alamance ta sanar da faduwar bangon Berlin a 1989, a cewar Verbrugge. Wannan yana tare da ruhun nasara, watakila mafi kyawun bayyanawa a cikin Francis Fukuyama Karshen Tarihi, wanda ya shelanta zuwan dimokuradiyya mai sassaucin ra'ayi - wanda tsarin jari hujja neoliberal ya shiga tsakani - a matsayin samun nasara. telo na tarihi. Wannan, a cikinsa, ya riga ya zama ma'auni na raguwar ƙarfin ikon da aka ba wa (masu amintacce) a fagen siyasa - bayan haka, idan dimokuradiyya ta cancanta da lokaci. m, wanda kowa ya sani yana magana game da 'yancin tattalin arziki da farko, kawai lokaci ne kawai kafin tsarin tattalin arziki da kudi ya zama 'mai iko,' har ya zama (ba daidai ba) za a iya tunanin.
Juyin juya halin ICT na 1990s, wanda ba tare da wanda ba za a iya tunanin 'tsarin hanyar sadarwa' ba, ya kaddamar da 'sabon tattalin arziki'. Ba wai kawai wannan ya canza yanayin aiki na mutane bisa ga tushe ba, amma ya sanya gabaɗayan juyin juya halin tattalin arzikin duniya da tsarin mulki. Hasashen, wannan ya haɗa da watsi da duk wani kamannin 'mulkin hikima' daga bangaren gwamnatoci da masu rike da mukamai; a wurinsa ya zo da sake fasalin duniya a matsayin tsarin tattalin arziki (da kudi) 'tsarin aiki.'
Abin da aka ƙidaya daga nan gaba, shi ne mutum mai 'mai cin gashin kansa' a matsayin 'mabukaci kuma mai samarwa'. Shin ko kadan abin mamaki ne a ce mutuwar ta dalĩli kamar haka, wanne ne kawai za a iya ba da hankali ga mutane, bayan haka, a yi sauti a kusa da wannan lokacin (shafi na 98)? Verbrugge ya gani a cikin waƙar Sarauniya na 1989, 'Ina so duka' adumbration na m buri na neoliberal 'nasara-batun' na zamanin.
A cikin tattaunawarsa game da 'sabon karni,' Verbrugge ya mai da hankali kan hatsarori da rashin tabbas da sabon tsarin duniya ya haifar, wanda aka riga aka gani a cikin rikicin Dot.com, inda aka yi hasarar da yawa akan musayar hannun jari. Amma fiye da wannan, abubuwan da suka faru na 9/11 dole ne a kalli su azaman juyi na 20th zuwa 21st karni, kuma a matsayin harin waje a kan 'tsarin'. Ko da menene dalilin wannan bala'i, ba za a iya mantawa da ma'anarsa ta alama ba: kin amincewa da tattalin arziki, siyasa, da ikon soja na Amurka a matsayin wakilin yammacin duniya (shafi na 105).
Rikicin kuɗi na 2008, akasin haka, yana nuna matsaloli a cikin 'zuciyar jari-hujja kanta' (shafi na 110; fassarara). Bayyanar da ba ta da tabbas ta inda ainihin kimar al'ummar Neoliberal take shine gaskiyar cewa an bayyana bankunan a matsayin 'masu girma da kasawa,' kuma saboda haka an ba su belinsu tare da manyan alluran kudade na kudaden masu biyan haraji. Kamar yadda Verbrugge ya ce, wannan yana shaida ga sanannen fahimtar Marxist, cewa 'riba na zaman jama'a da kuma asarar jama'a.' Kuma - menene wannan yake gaya mana game da iko? Cewa ba ta da hurumin siyasa da alhaki na dimokradiyya. The tsarin yana ba da bayanin abin da ake buƙata na aikin kuɗi-tattalin arziki.
A wani bangare na sakamakon wannan, kuma wani bangare saboda rikicin kudi daya bayan daya (Girka, Italiya), inda aka nuna tsarin hada-hadar kudi na duniya yana da ikon yin ko wargaza kasashe baki daya (shafi na 117), da damammakin sukar sabon tsarin duniya ya bayyana tsakanin shekarun 2010 zuwa 2020, musamman na Thomas Piketty. Capital a cikin 21st Century (2013), kuma - an ba da umarnin ikon sa ido kan intanet don sarrafa halayen tattalin arziki da siyasa na mutane - Shoshana Zuboff's Zamanin Jari-hujja na Sa ido - Yaƙin don makomar ɗan adam a Gaban Ƙarfi (2019).
Tattaunawar Verbrugge na 'crack wanda ya bayyana a cikin tsarin tsarin' a cikin 2020s ya fi mayar da hankali kan rikicin Corona a cikin Netherlands, amma a cikin babban abin ya yi daidai da abin da mutane ke fuskanta a cikin kulle-kulle, nisantar da jama'a, saka abin rufe fuska, da kuma samuwar 'alurar rigakafi'. Abin da ya ba mutum mamaki shi ne amincewar da ya yi cewa yadda gwamnatin Holland ta Mark Rutte ta bi da 'annobar' ta haifar da babban zargi daga yawancin 'yan kasar Holland (ba tare da mamaki ba, ganin cewa Rutte na ɗaya daga cikin 'ya'yan Klaus Schwab masu launin shudi), yayin da wasu suka tafi tare da umarnin gwamnati. Har ila yau, a bayyane yake cewa, kamar sauran wurare, ba da jimawa ba wani ɓarna ya nuna tsakanin 'masu alurar riga kafi' da 'marasa rigakafi', kuma Verbrugge da kansa yana da matukar muhimmanci ga amfani da 'alurar rigakafi' na gwaji a kan al'ummomi masu rauni.
Tare da wannan taƙaitaccen taƙaitaccen sake fasalin abin da Verbrugge ya ɗauka game da rikicin iko a zuciya - wanda ke ba da haske mai haske game da halin da ake ciki a halin yanzu na cibiyoyi da yawa waɗanda ke da wata hukuma kafin 2020 - menene ya bayyana a halin yanzu, mafi mamaye rikicin duniya? To, idan aka yi la’akari da yanayin baƙin ciki game da ɓarna daga tushen tarihi na iko a cikin dimokuradiyyar da muke tsammani, da kuma kwanan nan - tun daga 2020, don zama takamaiman - rikice-rikicen fahimta da ɗabi'a da ke haifar da ruɗani na isowar 'kwayar cuta' wacce aka wuce gona da iri, a ce mafi ƙanƙanta, tasirin tasirin iko ya kasance sau biyu.
A gefe guda ' tumaki' - na wane Dagmar Adorno da sun ce su nau'in mutane ne da ke "bukatar maigida" - ko dai sun yi rauni sosai don yin tsayayya da tsarin mulkin da aka sanya dokar hana fita a duk duniya (ban da Sweden), ko kuma, don yin sadaka a gare su, suna da mamakin yin tsayayya da farko, kuma a wasu lokuta sun dawo hayyacinsu daga baya. Ko kuma sun rungumi waɗannan matakan mulkin kama karya, suna ganin cewa wannan ita ce kawai hanyar da za a ladabtar da ita game da matsalar rashin lafiyar da aka yi. Irin wannan mutumin yana da tsarin halayen da Adorno, tare da Jamusawa waɗanda suka rungumi Hitler da Nazis a zuciya, wanda ake kira 'hali na mulki. '
A daya bangaren kuma, akwai wadanda suka mayar da martani na farko na wari: sun ji warin bera daban-daban (sai dai daga baya suka gano ana kiransa 'Fauci,' kuma wani bangare ne na tarin berayen da ake kira Gates, Schwab, Soros, da sauran abokan aikin rodents).
Wadanda ke cikin rukuni na farko, a sama, sun yarda da 'ikon' mara tushe na CDC, FDA, da WHO ba tare da wata shakka ba, ko kuma sun yi imani, watakila a gafartawa, kuma a wasu lokuta kawai da farko, cewa waɗannan kungiyoyi suna da mafi kyawun bukatunsu a cikin zuciya, kamar yadda ya kamata su kasance, da kyau magana. Membobin rukuni na biyu, duk da haka, abin da mutum zai iya zato shine kyakkyawan zato mai zurfi (waɗanda ba a taɓa samun mulkin mallaka ba. Lyotard theorised) na bayyanuwa ãyõyi, ba su yarda da wani irin wannan, kamar yadda ya juya waje, m hukuma.
A halin da nake ciki na shakku ya shiga cikin kaya saboda wasu wajibai masu cin karo da juna da ministan lafiya na Afirka ta Kudu da na 'yan sanda suka bayar. Lokacin da aka sanya tsauraran matakan kulle-kulle a cikin Maris 2020 (a cikin kulle-kulle tare da sauran ƙasashen da suka shiga cikin waƙar Schwab na WEF), tsohon ministan ya ba da sanarwar cewa 'an ba mutum damar' barin wurin zama don dalilai na motsa jiki - ɗan ma'ana mai kyau, na yi tunani - kawai Ministan 'yan sanda ya mamaye shi, wanda ya hana kowane irin alatu. Kada a hana ni motsa jiki na na yau da kullun, hawan tsaunuka da ke kewaye da garinmu, na yanke shawarar cewa zan ci gaba da yin haka, ta hanyar ƙugiya ko daɗaɗɗen, na ci gaba da hawana da daddare, dauke da fitila da ƙwanƙwasa (don kiyaye macizai masu guba).
A lokaci guda na fara rubuta kasidu masu sukar wadannan tsauraran matakan a gidan yanar gizon jarida da ake kira Jagoran Tunani, inda na kasance mai ba da gudummawa tun farkon shekarun 2000. Wannan na ci gaba da yi har sai da editan sashe - wanda babban labari ya kama shi - ya fara tantance labarana, abin ya ba ni haushi. Na daina rubuta musu rubutu, na fara neman wasu ƙungiyoyin kan layi masu mahimmanci, na sami duka masu Skeptics Left Lockdown (yanzu Hagu na Gaskiya) a Biritaniya kuma a ƙarshe Brownstone.
A taƙaice: kamar yadda yake a cikin sauran mutanen 'farke', ƙina ta ƙarshe na' iƙirarin 'ainihin' ga hukuma ya faru a lokacin rikicin Covid. Ko sabon, sake farfado da ma'anar ikon halacci a ƙarshe za a iya haifar da shi a wurin da'awar da'awar iko a bangaren waɗancan wakilai na 'New World Order' waɗanda har yanzu suke da iko, lokaci ne kawai zai nuna.
-
Bert Olivier yana aiki a Sashen Falsafa, Jami'ar Jihar Kyauta. Bert yayi bincike a cikin Psychoanalysis, poststructuralism, falsafar muhalli da falsafar fasaha, adabi, cinema, gine-gine da Aesthetics. Ayyukansa na yanzu shine 'Fahimtar batun dangane da girman mulkin neoliberalism.'
Duba dukkan posts
